Black History Month acts as a gauge of the current political climate, so how do we revamp it?
This is Black History Month in the UK, and it feels like it’s time for a re-evaluation. Over the years, an celebration that was initiated as a commemorative event of the past, cultural identity and bonds between global Black communities, has taken on a business-like atmosphere, growing to encompass gatherings where individuals of African heritage are paid to address Caucasian groups about “unconscious bias” and supportive partnership. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests sparked an increase in the industry of demonstrating racial awareness. Yet, that phase is now over. The surge has crested, leaving a sort of hollowed out legacy of what promoting consciousness is for.
The Origins of Black History Month
Initially celebrated in the United States and Canada, Black History Month was conceived in 1962 as “Negro History Week” by African American historian Carter G. Woodson with seven days of remembrance and recognition in the February's second week. Black History Month evolved from this initiative and was publicly established in 1970. Now it is celebrated not only in the US and Canada in February, but also in October in the UK, Germany, Ireland and the Holland.
The month has evolved since its inception, placing less emphasis on the accounts of transatlantic enslavement and struggles for equality, and greater focus on notable African descendants in politics, culture, and activism, and widely honoring the input Black people have made to shape the country. It is in learning environments where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with talks and cultural events. But the method the celebration is observed is a indication of the current political situation. How it evolves is a good lesson in how co-option leads to weakening: the transformation of Black History Month has stymied the purpose of it, which is to tackle systemic and institutional racism.
A Jarring Moment
Little demonstrates how critical it is to reconsider Black History Month more than the specific period in which it occurs this year. In the UK, a revitalized conservative movement in the shape of the Reform organization is top in opinion ratings. In the warmer months we observed the biggest extreme right demonstration in the history of Britain. Kemi Badenoch, the person of color at the helm of the Conservative party, is a strong critic of anti-racism activism, and we are in a place where a legislator feels emboldened to state that a lack of white people in parts of a city is a cause for alarm. Simultaneously, ultra-nationalist movements are expanding in the European continent as a entirety.
In the United States, a massive attack against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been carried, frequently with success, to the supreme judicial bodies of the country. A drive to remove Black history and legacy from the records is ongoing. One of the political figure's first executive orders focused on the institution dedicated to Black heritage, and the renowned cultural organization, claiming they of a “concerted and widespread effort to alter the country's historical narrative” by depicting the United States “as inherently racist”.
Against this backdrop, the observance illustrates how minimally it can be effective if it is limited to either routine organizational acknowledgments, or politically neutered festivities of contributions in the past, rather than challenging the realities of the present. It also reveals how its restricted time span means that it is disconnected from the more extensive continuous action that is necessary. An academic expert, a educator at an educational institution, put it best when she voiced worries about the fleeting superficial actions of the month. “The problem with embracing a superficial method”, she wrote, “is that it frequently results in that Black History Month turns into a fleeting performance rather than a driver of transformation.”
Reconsidering, Not Discarding
Establishing how to alter, change and broaden efforts for equal rights and acknowledgment in such moments of dejection and worry is a treacherous thing. There is a urge to just discontinue observances such as Black History Month altogether, assuming they are inadequate for current needs, or are relics of an time that has failed to deliver.
Yet, in spite of all this, Black History Month, and in fact the entire extended network and tradition of activism for racial justice – community-based BLM initiatives, diversity equity and inclusion initiatives, and certainly, even commercial engagements – form an infrastructure that a significant effort has been invested in. It is there not only to deteriorate as the political landscape shifts (and in fact, declines), but to be a living breathing thing.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month look like? Firstly, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is spread out through the year (as various establishments are already starting to implement), elements of its material (particularly around notable African descendants) included in academic syllabi. It would also be a time that does not shy away from governmental matters, and allows opportunity for people, particularly young people, to express their concerns and stories. What use is simple recognition of the history when it fails to address the present reality of extreme conservative demonstrations in the street? Organizations who celebrate it should not be reassured with the non-confrontational words of “unconscious bias” and awareness of minor insults, but faced with the threats that affect everyone if anti-racism is not taken seriously. In short, Black History Month should be made current, urgent, and responsive. Maybe an complete renaming is in order – Contemporary Black History Month.
